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A liberal democracy can survive for a while on institutional strength and widespread agreement. As long as most people are generally satisfied with how things are going (or have made peace with the status quo), it is easy to imagine that something like a social contract will keep things on track. Hamish MacAuley makes a persuasive case that many Canadians came of age politically between the collapse of the Berlin Wall and the 2008 financial crisis, when consensus was widespread and politics seemed optional, thus many chose to stay out. We abandoned democratic governing habits during prosperous times. Instead, we played politics. In response, McGill's Jacob T. Levy advocates for political action that rejects the status quo while also refusing to burn it all down or take our ball and go home. We should participate in politics, even if it is unsatisfying. When the foundations of our democratic structure or the rights of vulnerable people are jeopardized, it makes sense to delegate aut

Brazil and the U.S.: Shared Pathways to Progress

 

Introduction


U.S.-Brazilian military cooperation have increased over the past decade, but have seen obstacles. Following a catastrophic January 2010 earthquake in Haiti, US and Brazilian military soldiers providing humanitarian aid conducted their greatest combined operations since World War II.91 In 2010, the countries inked the Defense Cooperation Agreement and the General Security of Military Information Agreement to share sensitive information. The Brazilian congress did not accept the accords until 2015. This was owing to a cooling of relations after public revelations showed that the US National Security Agency conducted substantial spying in Brazil. A Master Information Exchange Agreement, signed in 2017, formalized the previous two accords and allowed the countries to pursue bilateral defense-related technological collaborations.

In July 2019, President Trump designated Brazil as a key non-NATO ally under the Arms Export Control Act (22 U.S.C. 2751 et seq.).92 Among other advantages, this classification grants Brazil preferential access to the United States' defense sector as well as expanded joint military exchanges, exercises, and training.93 In FY2019, the US government awarded Brazil with approximately $666,000 in International Military Education and Training (IMET) support to improve military-to-military partnerships, professionalize Brazilian troops, and develop their capabilities. The US government provided Brazil with $11.2 million in excess defense articles and $96.7 million in equipment and services through the Foreign Military Sales program.94 The Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2020 (P.L. 116-94) does not directly allocate military assistance to Brazil, however the Trump Administration has requested $625,000 in IMET for Brazil in FY2020.95 The Trump administration's FY2021 budget plan contains $625,000 in IMET for Brazil.96

Although recent bilateral agreements and the United States' recognition of Brazil as a key non-NATO ally have created the groundwork for closer military ties, the future trajectory of the defense relationship may be determined by bigger geopolitical issues. 


U.S. officials have expressed concerns that allowing Huawei to join in Brazil's 5G cellular network could jeopardize bilateral military and intelligence collaboration.97 Brazil may be hesitant to exclude Huawei, however, because the financial and economic benefits of using the company's lower-cost components to deploy Brazil's 5G network faster may outweigh the less tangible benefits of stronger defense ties with the US. Furthermore, the Bolsonaro administration has generally sought to avoid clashes with China, Brazil's largest trading partner and a major source of foreign investment. During his first year in office, Bolsonaro shifted from expressing concern about China's control over key sectors of the Brazilian economy to praising the strategic partnership between the two countries and advocating for increased bilateral cooperation in science and technology.98 Brazil's military and foreign policy institutes are hesitant to become involved in global power struggles or rely on a single country for technological advancements.99
The National Defense Authorization Act for Fiscal Year 2020 (P.L. 116-92) requires the Secretary of Defense, in collaboration with the Secretary of State, to submit a report to Congress on U.S.-Brazilian security cooperation. Congress has expressed concern that U.S. 

military engagement with Brazil does not contribute to human rights violations. The paper assesses Brazil's military capabilities and describes the US-Brazil security cooperation relationship, including objectives, ongoing operations, and potential enhancements to Brazilian military capabilities. The report will also evaluate Brazil's human rights climate, including the Brazilian military's adherence to human rights, as well as identify any Brazilian military or security forces credibly accused of human rights violations that have received or purchased US equipment or training. The report aims to describe US human rights cooperation activities with Brazil, as well as how security cooperation can promote accountability and reform through training on human rights, rule of law, and engagement rules.
Some members of Congress have advocated for reforms to US security cooperation with Brazil. In September 2019, a resolution (H.Res. 594) was introduced to express concern about threats to human rights, the rule of law, democracy, and the environment in Brazil. The resolution calls for the United States to rescind Brazil's designation as a major non-NATO ally and suspend assistance to Brazilian security forces, among other actions. Other Members, on the other hand, have advocated for stronger US-Brazil security ties, including participation in NATO collaboration programs.100

US Support for Amazon Conservation

Since the 1980s, the US government has sponsored conservation initiatives in Brazil. The US-Brazil Partnership for the Conservation of Amazon Biodiversity (PCAB) coordinates USAID's current initiatives. The PCAB, established in 2014, brings together the governments of the United States and Brazil, as well as private sector enterprises and non-governmental organizations (NGOs), to increase protected area management and promote sustainable development in the Amazon. In addition to assisting federally and state-managed protected areas, USAID collaborates with indigenous and quilombola communities to boost their resource management and livelihoods.101 USAID also supports the Amazon Partnership Platform, which encourages private investment in innovative conservation and sustainable development initiatives.102 In November 2019, USAID supported the establishment of the Athelia Biodiversity Fund, a Brazilian equity fund seeking to raise $100 million in private financing for similar activities. In addition to the long-term development programs, USAID's Office of Foreign Disaster Assistance sent a team of wildfire professionals to help Brazilian fire investigators in 2019.
Several other US agencies are active in Brazil, typically in partnership with or receiving financing from USAID. The US Forest Service offers technical assistance to Brazil's government, NGOs, and cooperatives to improve protected area management, reduce fire risk, conserve migratory bird habitat, and establish sustainable value chains for forest products.103 NASA has also offered Brazil with data and technical assistance to improve its monitoring of Amazon deforestation.104
None of President Trump's budget ideas include funds for Brazilian environmental programs. Nonetheless, Congress continues to finance conservation efforts in the country. Congress committed $15 million for the Brazilian Amazon in the Further Consolidated Appropriations Act, 2020 (P.L. 116-94), including $5 million set aside to combat regional fires.
Some members of Congress have urged the Brazilian and US administrations to do more to protect the Amazon. For example, a Senate resolution introduced in September 2019 (S.Res. 337, Schatz) would express bipartisan concern about Amazon fires and illegal deforestation, urge the Brazilian government to strengthen environmental enforcement and reinstate indigenous community protections, and support continued US assistance to the Brazilian government and NGOs. In September 2019, DeFazio sponsored the Act for the Amazon Act (H.R. 4263), which would impose stricter penalties. It would prohibit the importation of some fossil fuels and agricultural products from Brazil, certain sorts of military-to-military engagement and security aid to Brazil, and US agencies from engaging in free trade negotiations with Brazil.

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